View source for Adjara

===Independent Georgia===
After Georgian independence, [[Aslan Abashidze]] became the chairman of Adjaria's parliament, the Adjarian Supreme Soviet. Abashidze was initially appointed by the first Georgian president Zviad Gamsakhurdia in 1991.<ref>{{cite web|title=Adjara Celebrates Abashidze's Departure |date=6 May 2004 |url=https://civil.ge/archives/105875}}</ref> However, he later took advantage of the [[Georgian civil war of 1991–1993|civil war]] in the country and turned Adjara into the personal fiefdom, although it remained relatively prosperous enclave in an otherwise rather chaotic country.<ref name="Abash">{{cite news|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/3683629.stm|title=Aslan Abashidze|publisher=BBC|language=English|date=4 May 2004|access-date=11 November 2021}}</ref> During the [[1991–1992 Georgian coup d'état]] which ousted Gamsakhurdia from power, Abashidze declared a [[state of emergency]] in Adjara, closing its borders and shutting down the Adjarian Supreme Soviet. In response to pressure from the Adjarian opposition led by [[Republican Party of Georgia]], Georgia's new leader [[Eduard Shevardnadze]] met Aslan Abashidze in Batumi and persuaded him to resume the [[Supreme Soviet]] sessions in May 1992. However, the opposition failed to oust Abashidze. While Shevardnadze could easily sway certain members of the Adjarian Supreme Soviet against Abashidze, he did not do so. Being brought to power through the coup launched by the militia leaders [[Jaba Ioseliani]] and [[Tengiz Kitovani]], Shevardnadze saw Abashidze as a useful counterweight against these warlords.<ref name="wheatley"/>

Further exploiting the instability, at this time brought by the [[War in Abkhazia (1992–1993)|War in Abkhazia]], Abashidze moved to further consolidate his power. During the summer of 1992, Abashidze appointed a seven-member Presidium of the Adjarian Supreme Soviet, made up of his supporters, and ruled by decree through this body. The Supreme Soviet, on the other hand, practically ceased to convene. Abashidze unilaterally took power without formal agreement and started to withhold tax revenue and capture Adjara's considerable wealth.{{sfn|George|2009|p=121}}{{sfn|George|2009|p=123}} However, he managed to prevent various paramilitary groups from entering Adjara's territory, and preserved peace through [[authoritarianism]], which brought him considerable popularity.<ref name="wheatley"/>

After the end of Georgia's civil war, Abashidze reached agreement with the Georgian president [[Eduard Shevardnadze]] to stay in power.<ref name="Abash"/> Shevardnadze, who had yet to cement his power in Georgia, ignored Abashidze's authoritarian rule and even appreciated that it brought stability to the region.<ref name="wheatley">{{cite book |last= Wheatley|first=Jonathan|url= https://books.google.com/books?id=dGqLAAAAMAAJ|title= Georgia from National Awakening to Rose Revolution |date=2005 |publisher=[[Ashgate Publishing]]|isbn= 9780754645030|pages=70–71}}</ref> The central government in Tbilisi had very little say in what went on in Adjara. Elections in Adjara were not [[Free and fair election|free and fair]], [[Abashidze]] controlled the media and captured customs revenue for his personal enrichment.{{sfn|George|2009|p=129}}{{sfn|George|2009|p=137}} Abashidze instituted border control with the rest of Georgia and created armed paramilitaries.<ref>{{cite web|title= Aslan Abashidze, a Man of Feudal Loyalty and Pride|date=21 December 2002 |url=https://civil.ge/archives/106959}}</ref> However, he asserted that Adjara wasn't separatist.{{sfn|George|2009|p=121}}{{sfn|George|2009|pp=122–123}} Adjara is the only autonomous region in the [[Southern Caucasus]] which has not been involved in the secessionist conflict with the central government since the [[dissolution of the Soviet Union]]. While [[Adjarians]], a subgroup of [[ethnic Georgians]], adopted [[Islam]] during the centuries of [[Ottoman Empire|Ottoman imperial rule]] over Adjara, which differentiated them from the rest of Georgian subethnicities who adhere to [[Georgian Orthodox Church|Orthodox Christianity]], Adjarians at the same time retained many cultural similarities with Christian Georgians and never developed a separate "Adjarian identity", remaining accepted within the definition of Georgian nation. This provided insufficient base for a strong [[Nationalism|nationalist]] or excessively [[Regionalism (politics)|regionalist]] movement in Adjara. Moreover, a considerable power and resources allowed Abashidze to politically and financially establish a national political role throughout whole Georgia, and the Union for the Revival took part in the [[Elections in Georgia (country)|nationwide Georgian elections]].<ref name="world">{{cite journal|last= Cornell|first=Svante|url=http://www.cornellcaspian.com/pub2/54.2cornell.pdf|title= Autonomy as a source of conflict: Caucasian conflicts and theoretical perspective |publisher=The Johns Hopkins University Press|journal=World Politics|volume=54|issue=2|date=January 2002|pages=274–275}}</ref>

Abashidze's regime survived on receiving funds from the customs control in [[Sarpi, Georgia|Sarpi]] at [[Georgia–Turkey border]], contraband of cigarettes and allegedly also weapons and narcotics, an oil refinery in Batumi and selling of ships stationed in Adjara without Georgian government's approval.<ref>{{cite book |last= Wheatley|first=Jonathan|url= https://books.google.com/books?id=dGqLAAAAMAAJ|title= Georgia from National Awakening to Rose Revolution |date=2005 |publisher=[[Ashgate Publishing]]|isbn= 9780754645030|page=115}}</ref> Even though [[Eduard Shevardnadze|Shevardnadze]] often complained about Abashidze's aggressive autonomous strategy, they had good relationships and supported each other when they needed public support.{{sfn|George|2009|p=129}}{{sfn|George|2009|p=141}} Initially Abashidze's [[Democratic Union for Revival]] and Shevardnadze's [[Union of Citizens of Georgia]] worked together in [[Parliament of Georgia|Georgian Parliament]] and Adjarian Supreme Council following new elections in 1995–1996. However, a series of disputes with UCG in 1997 concerning limits of Abashidze's power in Adjara and defections of his party deputies to UCG led Abashidze to view the UCG and especially its 'reformists' faction with suspicions and he withdrew into opposition, establishing a powerful anti-CUG bloc which took part in the [[1999 Georgian parliamentary election]] and garnered around 25 per cent of the vote.<ref>{{cite book |last= Wheatley|first=Jonathan|url= https://books.google.com/books?id=dGqLAAAAMAAJ|title= Georgia from National Awakening to Rose Revolution |date=2005 |publisher=[[Ashgate Publishing]]|isbn= 9780754645030|page=124}}</ref>

In 2000, by withdrawing his candidacy from the [[2000 Georgian presidential election|presidential elections in Georgia]], Abashidze managed to get [[Eduard Shevardnadze|Shevardnadze]] to change Georgian constitution to increase Adjara's status. From 1997 to 2001, Abashidze passed several amendments to Adjara's constitution to strengthen his power. He established the post of a directly elected Head of the Autonomous Republic of Adjara with powers to control any movement of military on Adjara's territory, and was elected on this position in November 2001 while being the only candidate.<ref>{{cite book |last= Wheatley|first=Jonathan|url= https://books.google.com/books?id=dGqLAAAAMAAJ|title= Georgia from National Awakening to Rose Revolution |date=2005 |publisher=[[Ashgate Publishing]]|isbn= 9780754645030|page=116}}</ref>

The situation changed following the [[Rose Revolution]] of 2003 when Shevardnadze was deposed in favor of the reformist opposition leader [[Mikheil Saakashvili]].<ref>{{cite web |url=https://civil.ge/archives/105112 |title=Saakashvili's Vows Improvements with Drastic Measures|work=Civil Georgia |date=2004-01-25 |accessdate=2022-09-05}}</ref> Adjaran leader [[Aslan Abashidze]], being in strong opposition to the [[Rose Revolution]], declared a state of emergency immediately after [[Eduard Shevardnadze]]'s ousting on 23 November 2003.{{refn| name=icgpage6|International Crisis Group, 2004, page 6.<ref name=icg-ajara1>{{cite report |url=https://www.crisisgroup.org/europe-central-asia/caucasus/georgia/saakashvilis-ajara-success-repeatable-elsewhere-georgia | title=Saakashvili's Ajara Success: Repeatable Elsewhere in Georgia?|id=ICG Europe Briefing 34| publisher=[[International Crisis Group]] |date=2004-08-18|accessdate=2022-09-05}}</ref>}} He intensified a crackdown on opposition, with dozens being injured as a result of clashes between protesters and police in the southern Adjaran village of [[Gonio (settlement)|Gonio]] in January 2004.<ref>{{cite web |url=https://civil.ge/archives/105077 |title=Adjarian Police Foiled Protest Rally|work=Civil Georgia |date=2004-01-19 |accessdate=2022-09-05}}</ref> Soon after his inauguration as president in January 2004, Saakashvili took aim at Abashidze with strong [[anticorruption]] reforms.{{sfn|George|2009|pp=172–173}}<ref>{{cite web |url=https://civil.ge/archives/105123 |title=Georgia Has a New President|work=Civil Georgia |date=2004-01-25 |accessdate=2022-09-05}}</ref> In the wake of Abashidze's visit to [[Moscow]], the [[Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Russia)|Russian Foreign Ministry]] issued a statement on January 20 backing Abashidze's policy and condemning his opposition as "extremist forces".<ref>{{cite web |url=https://civil.ge/archives/104987 |title=Moscow Backs Abashidze, Slams "Extremist" Forces in Adjara|work=Civil Georgia |date=2004-01-21 |accessdate=2022-09-05}}</ref> In spring 2004, a major [[2004 Adjara crisis|crisis in Adjara]] erupted as the central government sought to reimpose its authority on the region. It led to several encounters between Abashidze's paramilitaries and the [[Defence Forces of Georgia|Georgian army]].{{sfn|George|2009|p=175}} However, Saakashvili's ultimate and mass protests in [[Batumi]] against Abashidze's autocratic rule forced the Adjaran leader to resign in May 2004. Facing charges of [[embezzlement]] and murder, Abashidze destroyed the bridges between Adjara and the rest of Georgia to delay the advance of Georgian troops in Batumi and then fled to Moscow.{{sfn|George|2009|p=175}} Even Abashidze's former ally, Haji Mahmud Kamashidze, sided with Saakashvili.{{sfn|George|2009|p=175}} [[Mikheil Saakashvili|Saakashvili]] wanted Adjara to keep a significant autonomy.{{sfn|George|2009|p=176}} A new law was therefore introduced to redefine the terms of Adjara's autonomy. [[Levan Varshalomidze]] succeeded Abashidze as the chairman of the government.<ref name="icg-ajara">{{cite report |url=https://www.crisisgroup.org/europe-central-asia/caucasus/georgia/saakashvilis-ajara-success-repeatable-elsewhere-georgia | title=Saakashvili's Ajara Success: Repeatable Elsewhere in Georgia?|pages=6–11|id=ICG Europe Briefing 34| publisher=[[International Crisis Group]] |date=2004-08-18|accessdate=2022-09-05}}</ref>

In July 2007, the seat of the [[Constitutional Court of Georgia|Georgian Constitutional Court]] was moved from Tbilisi to Batumi.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.constcourt.ge/index.php?lang_id=ENG&sec_id=13 |title=Constitutional Court of Georgia – Brief History |work=constcourt.ge |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110721030206/http://www.constcourt.ge/index.php?lang_id=ENG&sec_id=13 |archive-date=2011-07-21 }}</ref> In November 2007 Russia ended its two-century military presence in the region by withdrawing from the [[12th Military Base]] (the former 145th Motor Rifle Division) in Batumi.<ref>{{cite news|title=Russia closes last military base in Georgia|url=https://www.reuters.com/article/us-georgia-russia-bases-idUSL1387605220071113|work=Reuters|date=13 November 2007|access-date=30 June 2017|archive-date=16 October 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20151016070905/http://www.reuters.com/article/2007/11/13/us-georgia-russia-bases-idUSL1387605220071113|url-status=live}}</ref><ref>[http://www.civil.ge/eng/article.php?id=16321 Russia Hands Over Batumi Military Base to Georgia]. Civil Georgia, Tbilisi. 2007-11-13.</ref>

Turkey still has noticeable economic and religious influence in Adjara, making some Georgians wary of the Turkish presence.<ref>{{cite web|title=Georgians Wary of Turkey's Rising Influence in Batumi|date=2017-03-09|url=https://eurasianet.org/georgians-wary-of-turkeys-rising-influence-in-batumi|publisher=Eurasianet|quote=While the government does not release figures on the levels of Turkish investment in Ajara, it represents roughly 80–90 percent of the total foreign investment in the region, a former regional government official said, speaking on condition of anonymity.}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|last1=Balci|first1=Bayram|title=Strengths and Constraints of Turkish Policy in the South Caucasus|url=http://carnegieendowment.org/2014/06/18/strengths-and-constraints-of-turkish-policy-in-south-caucasus|publisher=[[Carnegie Endowment for International Peace]]|date=18 June 2014|quote=Turkish religious influence is notable, not only in Azerbaijan but also in the Muslim regions of Georgia (in the region of Adjara and the border areas of Azerbaijan).|access-date=9 October 2015|archive-date=22 September 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200922021604/https://carnegieendowment.org/2014/06/18/strengths-and-constraints-of-turkish-policy-in-south-caucasus|url-status=dead}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|title=Islam in Georgia |url=https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/295315/March_14_Islam_in_Georgia_final.doc |format=Word document |website=gov.uk |publisher=[[Government of the United Kingdom]] |quote=Turkey’s influence in the region remains strong, in part through funding provided by Ankara for local mosques}}</ref> In the early 2020s, Turkish influence was again supplanted by the Russians, who returned to the region in large numbers, also causing anxiety among some locals.<ref>[https://www.rferl.org/a/georgia-russian-businesses-black-sea-resort/32556083.html 'You Can't Even Speak Georgian In Georgia Anymore': Russian Businesses Roil Black Sea Resort], [[Radio Free Europe]], August 20, 2023 Quote: "At one point, a right-wing party, the Alliance of Patriots, had erected campaign billboards depicting Adjara as "occupied" by Turkey...Now, it is the Russians."</ref>