Politics of Chile: Difference between revisions
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{{Democracy Index rating|Chile|flawed democracy|2023}} According to the [[V-Dem Democracy indices]], Chile was the third most [[Democracy in Latin America and the Caribbean|electorally democratic country in Latin America]] in 2023.<ref name="vdem_dataset">{{cite web |last=V-Dem Institute |date=2023 |title=The V-Dem Dataset |url=https://www.v-dem.net/data/the-v-dem-dataset/ |access-date=14 October 2023}}</ref> | {{Democracy Index rating|Chile|flawed democracy|2023}} According to the [[V-Dem Democracy indices]], Chile was the third most [[Democracy in Latin America and the Caribbean|electorally democratic country in Latin America]] in 2023.<ref name="vdem_dataset">{{cite web |last=V-Dem Institute |date=2023 |title=The V-Dem Dataset |url=https://www.v-dem.net/data/the-v-dem-dataset/ |access-date=14 October 2023}}</ref> | ||
Statistical analysis suggests that Chilean politicians in Congress are not randomly drawn from the population but over-represent high-income communities. As a result, Chileans of [[Castilians|Castilian]]-[[Basque Chileans|Basque]], [[Palestinian community in Chile|Palestinian]], and [[List of Chilean Jews|Jewish]] ancestry are disproportionately represented.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Bro |first1=Naim |last2=Mendoza |first2=Marcelo |date=2021-01-06 |title=Surname affinity in Santiago, Chile: A network-based approach that uncovers urban segregation |journal=[[PLOS One]] |volume=16 |issue=1 | | Statistical analysis suggests that Chilean politicians in Congress are not randomly drawn from the population but over-represent high-income communities. As a result, Chileans of [[Castilians|Castilian]]-[[Basque Chileans|Basque]], [[Palestinian community in Chile|Palestinian]], and [[List of Chilean Jews|Jewish]] ancestry are disproportionately represented.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Bro |first1=Naim |last2=Mendoza |first2=Marcelo |date=2021-01-06 |title=Surname affinity in Santiago, Chile: A network-based approach that uncovers urban segregation |journal=[[PLOS One]] |volume=16 |issue=1 |article-number=e0244372 |bibcode=2021PLoSO..1644372B |doi=10.1371/journal.pone.0244372 |pmc=7787389 |pmid=33406147 |doi-access=free}}</ref> | ||
==History== | ==History== | ||
The [[Autocracy|autocratic]] and [[Conservative Republic|conservative republic]] (1831–1861) was replaced by the [[Liberal Republic|liberal republic]] (1861–1891), during which some political conquests were made, such as [[proportional representation]] (1871) and the abolition of the condition of ownership to have the right to vote (1885). During the period 1896–1924, Chile enjoyed continuous free and fair elections.<ref name=":0">{{Cite book |last=Madrid |first=Raúl L. |url=https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/birth-of-democracy-in-south-america/A8EA21756D12D27A6171337F2BF3F415 |title=The Birth of Democracy in South America |date=2025 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=978-1-009-63381-9 | | The [[Autocracy|autocratic]] and [[Conservative Republic|conservative republic]] (1831–1861) was replaced by the [[Liberal Republic|liberal republic]] (1861–1891), during which some political conquests were made, such as [[proportional representation]] (1871) and the abolition of the condition of ownership to have the right to vote (1885). During the period 1896–1924, Chile enjoyed continuous free and fair elections.<ref name=":0">{{Cite book |last=Madrid |first=Raúl L. |url=https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/birth-of-democracy-in-south-america/A8EA21756D12D27A6171337F2BF3F415 |title=The Birth of Democracy in South America |date=2025 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=978-1-009-63381-9 |page=68}}</ref> | ||
===Parliamentary Republic=== | ===Parliamentary Republic=== | ||
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=== Advocacy for public policy change === | === Advocacy for public policy change === | ||
Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) play an important role in advocating for public policy change in Chile.<ref name=":02">{{Citation |last1=Mora |first1=Claudia |title=15 Migrants' Citizenship and Rights: Limits and Potential for NGOs' Advocacy in Chile |date=2014 |work=Migration, Gender and Social Justice |volume=9 |pages=281–290 |editor-last=Truong |editor-first=Thanh-Dam | Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) play an important role in advocating for public policy change in Chile.<ref name=":02">{{Citation |last1=Mora |first1=Claudia |title=15 Migrants' Citizenship and Rights: Limits and Potential for NGOs' Advocacy in Chile |date=2014 |work=Migration, Gender and Social Justice |volume=9 |pages=281–290 |editor-last=Truong |editor-first=Thanh-Dam |place=Berlin, Heidelberg |publisher=Springer Berlin Heidelberg |language=en |doi=10.1007/978-3-642-28012-2_15 |isbn=978-3-642-28011-5 |last2=Handmaker |first2=Jeff |editor2-last=Gasper |editor2-first=Des |editor3-last=Handmaker |editor3-first=Jeff |editor4-last=Bergh |editor4-first=Sylvia I.|doi-access=free |hdl=1765/41390 |hdl-access=free }}</ref> Certain NGOs, such as those working with migrants, have increased in Chile in the past decades. For example, one prominent NGO, Servicio Jesuita a Migrantes (SJM), conducts research in order to influence public policy. SJM has published dozens of papers with findings that ultimately influence public policy in Chile—ranging from educational access for immigrants to labor laws for immigrants.<ref name=":1">{{Cite web |title=Artículos y otros documentos de interés |url=https://sjmchile.org/incidencia-y-estudios/articulos-y-otros-documentos-de-interes/ |access-date=2024-12-18 |website=Bienvenidos a SJM Chile - Servicio Jesuita a Migrantes |language=es-CL}}</ref> In December 2024, SJM and UNICEF hosted a joint seminar on the legal regularization of migrant children in Chile.<ref name=":1" /> | ||
Other avenues of public policy advocacy include citizenship advocacy, union advocacy, and government advocacy. Unions have been especially successful at impacting public policy through strikes, collective bargaining, and legal mobilization.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Gutiérrez Crocco |first=Francisca |date=August 2020 |title=Contesting the Neoliberal Order through Legal Mobilisation: The Case of Chilean Unions |url=https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/S0022216X20000590/type/journal_article |journal=Journal of Latin American Studies |language=en |volume=52 |issue=3 |pages=575–599 |doi=10.1017/S0022216X20000590 |issn=0022-216X|url-access=subscription }}</ref> Student groups also have a strong history of impacting public policy, with perhaps the most prominent example being the 2011 student protests against neoliberal educational policies called the "Chilean Winter."<ref name="Pickett 04–09">{{Cite journal |last=Pickett |first=Samuel Harris |date=2018-12-16 |title=The Chilean Winter: A Student Revolution |url=https://scholarworks.iu.edu/journals/index.php/iujur/article/view/24207 |journal=IU Journal of Undergraduate Research |language=en |volume=4 |issue=1 |pages=04–09 |doi=10.14434/iujur.v4i1.24207 |issn=2379-5611}}</ref> The United Chilean Student Confederation (CONFECH), an organization composed of various student unions, including the Student Federation of the University of Chile (FECH) and the Student Federation of Catholic University (FEUC), led this movement.<ref name="Pickett 04–09"/> | Other avenues of public policy advocacy include citizenship advocacy, union advocacy, and government advocacy. Unions have been especially successful at impacting public policy through strikes, collective bargaining, and legal mobilization.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Gutiérrez Crocco |first=Francisca |date=August 2020 |title=Contesting the Neoliberal Order through Legal Mobilisation: The Case of Chilean Unions |url=https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/S0022216X20000590/type/journal_article |journal=Journal of Latin American Studies |language=en |volume=52 |issue=3 |pages=575–599 |doi=10.1017/S0022216X20000590 |issn=0022-216X|url-access=subscription }}</ref> Student groups also have a strong history of impacting public policy, with perhaps the most prominent example being the 2011 student protests against neoliberal educational policies called the "Chilean Winter."<ref name="Pickett 04–09">{{Cite journal |last=Pickett |first=Samuel Harris |date=2018-12-16 |title=The Chilean Winter: A Student Revolution |url=https://scholarworks.iu.edu/journals/index.php/iujur/article/view/24207 |journal=IU Journal of Undergraduate Research |language=en |volume=4 |issue=1 |pages=04–09 |doi=10.14434/iujur.v4i1.24207 |issn=2379-5611}}</ref> The United Chilean Student Confederation (CONFECH), an organization composed of various student unions, including the Student Federation of the University of Chile (FECH) and the Student Federation of Catholic University (FEUC), led this movement.<ref name="Pickett 04–09"/> | ||
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'''Table 1: Local and total government expenditure in Chile vs OECD average'''<ref name="oecd.org"/> | '''Table 1: Local and total government expenditure in Chile vs OECD average'''<ref name="oecd.org"/> | ||
{| class="wikitable" | {| class="wikitable" | ||
!Aspect | |||
!Chile | |||
!OECD average | |||
|- | |- | ||
|Local government expenditure (% of GDP) | |Local government expenditure (% of GDP) | ||
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The President and Ministers may also engage directly with municipalities affected by their policies or interventions. These informal bilateral exchanges (see Figure 2 below) bypass the intended governance structure, undermine provincial and regional authorities, and create inefficiencies and inequity in forming and implementing policies and interventions. | The President and Ministers may also engage directly with municipalities affected by their policies or interventions. These informal bilateral exchanges (see Figure 2 below) bypass the intended governance structure, undermine provincial and regional authorities, and create inefficiencies and inequity in forming and implementing policies and interventions. | ||
[[File:Four types of relational exchanges.jpg|thumb|Figure 2: Four types of relational exchanges involving local governments<ref>{{Citation |last1=Shrestha |first1=Manoj K. |title=Local Government Networks |date=2017-09-20 |work=The Oxford Handbook of Political Networks | | [[File:Four types of relational exchanges.jpg|thumb|Figure 2: Four types of relational exchanges involving local governments<ref>{{Citation |last1=Shrestha |first1=Manoj K. |title=Local Government Networks |date=2017-09-20 |work=The Oxford Handbook of Political Networks |page=0 |editor-last=Victor |editor-first=Jennifer Nicoll |url=https://academic.oup.com/edited-volume/35479/chapter-abstract/303903166?redirectedFrom=fulltext |access-date=2025-02-06 |publisher=Oxford University Press |doi=10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190228217.013.22 |isbn=978-0-19-022821-7 |last2=Feiock |first2=Richard C. |editor2-last=Montgomery |editor2-first=Alexander H. |editor3-last=Lubell |editor3-first=Mark|url-access=subscription }}</ref>]] | ||
Where regions and municipalities coordinate or collaborate, this often depends on the autonomous power of the presidential delegate or head of the public service, or on the relationships or other capacities of the mayor or municipality to influence national | Where regions and municipalities coordinate or collaborate, this often depends on the autonomous power of the presidential delegate or head of the public service, or on the relationships or other capacities of the mayor or municipality to influence national institutions' decisions.<ref>{{Cite web |title=Investment |url=https://www.oecd.org/en/topics/investment.html |access-date=2025-02-06 |website=OECD |language=en}}</ref> | ||
The 2017 Constitutional Reforms established the role of publicly elected regional governors. These governors, first-elected in 2021 to represent regional constituents, share responsibility with presidentially-appointed regional delegates/intendants, who represent national ministries. Their election was a turning point in decentralization efforts, introducing a new dynamic in national-regional relations and providing regions with a stronger voice in governance. However, Navarrete Yáñez<ref name="Navarrete Yáñez 905–925"/> argues that introducing this system, typical of federal structures, tends to fragment authority and create overlapping jurisdictions to promote coordination relations, which in practice is generating conflict. The current President of Chile, Gabriel Boric (2022–2026), stated that before his term ends, the presidential delegate position will disappear.<ref name="Navarrete Yáñez 905–925"/> | The 2017 Constitutional Reforms established the role of publicly elected regional governors. These governors, first-elected in 2021 to represent regional constituents, share responsibility with presidentially-appointed regional delegates/intendants, who represent national ministries. Their election was a turning point in decentralization efforts, introducing a new dynamic in national-regional relations and providing regions with a stronger voice in governance. However, Navarrete Yáñez<ref name="Navarrete Yáñez 905–925"/> argues that introducing this system, typical of federal structures, tends to fragment authority and create overlapping jurisdictions to promote coordination relations, which in practice is generating conflict. The current President of Chile, Gabriel Boric (2022–2026), stated that before his term ends, the presidential delegate position will disappear.<ref name="Navarrete Yáñez 905–925"/> | ||
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## reducing the dominance of central government and strengthening regional governance | ## reducing the dominance of central government and strengthening regional governance | ||
## establishing | ## establishing 'regional states' comprising autonomous regions, communes, indigenous territorial autonomies and special territories. | ||
Despite the strong impetus for a new constitution, both new constitutional proposals were rejected by voters.<ref>{{Cite web |author=((AQ Editors)) |title=REACTION: Chile Rejects Second Constitutional Rewrite |url=https://americasquarterly.org/article/reaction-chile-rejects-second-constitutional-rewrite/ |date= 2023-12-18 |access-date=2025-02-06 |website=Americas Quarterly |language=en-US}}</ref><ref name="Edward Elgar Publishing"/> Particularly given the substantial social upheaval in 2019 related to inequality,<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Cox |first1=Loreto |last2=González |first2=Ricardo |last3=Le Foulon |first3=Carmen |date=2024-04-01 |title=The 2019 Chilean Social Upheaval: A Descriptive Approach | Despite the strong impetus for a new constitution, both new constitutional proposals were rejected by voters.<ref>{{Cite web |author=((AQ Editors)) |title=REACTION: Chile Rejects Second Constitutional Rewrite |url=https://americasquarterly.org/article/reaction-chile-rejects-second-constitutional-rewrite/ |date= 2023-12-18 |access-date=2025-02-06 |website=Americas Quarterly |language=en-US}}</ref><ref name="Edward Elgar Publishing"/> Particularly given the substantial social upheaval in 2019 related to inequality,<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Cox |first1=Loreto |last2=González |first2=Ricardo |last3=Le Foulon |first3=Carmen |date=2024-04-01 |title=The 2019 Chilean Social Upheaval: A Descriptive Approach |journal=Journal of Politics in Latin America |language=en |volume=16 |issue=1 |pages=68–89 |doi=10.1177/1866802X231203747 |issn=1866-802X|doi-access=free }}</ref> and majority support for a constitutional re-write, these rejections are significant. By comparison, from 1789 to 2016, 94% of 179 referendums for new constitutions were ratified,<ref>{{Citation |last1=Elkins |first1=Zachary |title=The constitutional referendum in historical perspective |date=2019-10-25 |work=Comparative Constitution Making |pages=142–164 |url=https://www.elgaronline.com/edcollchap/edcoll/9781785365256/9781785365256.00013.xml |access-date=2025-02-06 |publisher=Edward Elgar Publishing |language=en-US |isbn=978-1-78536-526-3 |last2=Hudson |first2=Alexander}}</ref> making Chile's twin rejections rare exceptions. | ||
'''Unclear sector responsibilities, siloed work''' | '''Unclear sector responsibilities, siloed work''' | ||